Editor’s note: Due to the fact that the government of
Myanmar has threatened to imprison citizens who speak to reporters,
the full names of quoted sources have been withheld for their
protection.
MYANMAR “”mdash; Sitting across the table from me on a sweltering
Yangon summer day, sipping iced coffee and talking politics, Aung
might appear to be like any other student in the West.
But at 23 years old, Aung, a soon-to-be university graduate,
does not know how to use a computer or the Internet, cannot vote
and must simultaneously support himself and his family on a salary
of $5 USD a month, plus tips.
Further complicating matters is the fact that he lives under one
of the last remaining military juntas in the world: The Union of
Myanmar.
“Your country is free, my country is a
solo-government,” the fourth-year law student whispers across
the table. “I like your country more.”
He whispers because the government of Myanmar has marked as
traitors any who criticize it. Should the wrong person overhear, he
could be put in prison or made to “disappear.”
He explains that university students in particular ““
normally the backbone of democratic movements ““ have been
targeted by the government.
“They find a reason and they close (the universities) for
a month. Then the students come back,” he said.
The reasons, he said, are never legitimate, and such occurrences
happen frequently to quell student activism.
“The government can come in here and say, “˜Close
everything down.’ They control everything,” he
added.
Myanmar is a Southeast Asian nation with as turbulent a history
as many of its neighbors.
Given the name Burma under British colonization in the 19th
century, the country was led to freedom in 1948 by General Aung
San, who has since become a national hero.
Burma maintained a democratic government for 14 years until a
military-backed communist takeover occurred in 1962.
After massive democratic protests in 1988 and 1989, the
communist government agreed to change to a free market system and
have an election, believing they would be victorious.
In 1989, the government also officially changed the name of the
country from Burma to The Union of Myanmar, a change many
authorities still refuse to recognize, resulting in its confusing
double-name on most maps.
The ensuing election of 1990 was a landslide victory for the
National League for Democracy, which was led by Aung San Suu Kyi,
the charismatic daughter of General Aung San.
But the new military government, now known as the State Peace
and Development Council, refused to recognize the victory for the
National League of Democracy and proceeded to imprison, kill, and
drive into exile many democratic leaders.
This May marks the 15-year anniversary of that ground-breaking
and heart-breaking election.
Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest, where she
remains today, still working toward developing a democratic Myanmar
through peaceable means.
She became an international icon after winning the Nobel Peace
Prize in 1991 for her efforts.
“Everyone loves Aung San; he is independence father. If
you ask anyone, “˜You like Aung San Suu Kyi?’ They will
say, Yes, but … ,'” Aung said hesitantly, leaning in
and putting his finger to his mouth to illustrate that they must be
quiet about it.
Many who become openly associated with the democratic movement
in Myanmar are imprisoned or killed. Being politically active on a
university campus in Myanmar is a risky proposition that exposes
students who choose to voice their opinions to government
backlash.
Aung knows several students who have received prison sentences
for their political activism; some for two months and some for a
year.
“Most were with the democratic movement,” he said.
“But it could be anyone.”
If anything, the government is direct and forceful about its
positions.
On street corners across Yangon loom massive red signs titled,
“The People’s Desire.” These signs outline four
main points including: “Oppose foreign nations interfering in
internal affairs of the state” and “Crush all internal
and external destructive elements as the common enemy.”
On my first day in Myanmar I decided to visit the University of
Yangon with the intention of meeting some university students and
getting a feel for campus life.
As our taxi approached the main gates, half a dozen armed
military personnel stopped us and spoke sternly in Myanmar to the
driver.
With a worried look on his face, he quickly turned the taxi
around. “No foreigners,” he muttered as we sped
off.
Welcome to Myanmar.
Aung did not seem surprised that we were told to leave the
campus.
“The government does not like students. I don’t like
the government. All students don’t like the
government,” he whispers, taking care to look inconspicuous
in doing so.
He would like to go into law, but said that in Myanmar it is
dangerous for a lawyer if they defend the wrong person.
“When rich people and poor people have a problem, the rich
person wins. I want to help the poor person. But it is very
difficult because I am poor,” he said.
He works 10 hours a day, six days a week so he can earn enough
to support himself, pay his university fees, and send money to his
family.
He said that while he makes about $5 USD a month, most managers
and three-star soldiers make about $30 USD. Government ministers,
the highest paid workers in the country, make about $50 USD
monthly.
Aung laughs at questions about finding scholarships to help with
his education.
“No, no, no. That is in your country,” he said.
Visiting Myanmar is like taking a trip to another era.
Technology such as cars and electric lights are scarce and
computers are almost nonexistent.
The majority of men still wear the traditional Longyi, similar
to a kilt or a sarong, instead of pants.
And outside Yangon, one of the primary modes of transportation,
besides bicycle, is horse and carriage.
“Our government is very bad,” said Wen, an elderly
carriage driver, as he prodded the horse in front of us. “If
they see that man and they don’t like him, he go to jail.
That is like when it was a colony. If they hear me say that, I can
go to jail.” Leaning in he whispers, “Top
secret.”
Wen said that conditions in Myanmar are so bad that many people
who have graduated from universities are now carriage drivers like
him.
“They study economics and do this now,” he said.
Many people in Myanmar explained that the best paying jobs are
with the government, but that upon receiving a degree the only way
to get a government job is to have the right connections.
“If you have no family in government, you have to pay them
for a job,” Wen said.
Having lived through a failed democracy and Burmese-style
socialism, as well as the present military junta, Wen is skeptical
about the political future of Myanmar.
“I have friends who go to jail. I don’t know why,
and if I ask, they say “˜Why you want to know? It’s not
your job,'” he said.
That right to know is limited, as are most rights because
Myanmar has no judicial system. All legal and judicial issues are
handled by a branch of the executive office of the ruling
junta.
Unable to pronounce the word “hopeless,” he spells
it out. After finally finding the word, he tries his sentence
again.
“The public is hopeless to change the government,”
he managed to say.
Most people in Myanmar have few ways to stay informed and
educate themselves.
The nation’s two daily papers are both directly controlled
by the government, and all publications in Myanmar are closely
censored by the Literary Works Scrutinizing Committee.
Web sites for major news agencies such as BBC and CNN are
blocked, and it is widely said that the government reads all mail
““ electronic and postal ““ that enters or exits the
country.
Smaller news Web sites, like that of the Daily Bruin, are not
censored, though few people in Myanmar other than tourists and the
elite can afford access to computers.
Reporters from Myanmar continue to be targets of the government,
with over a dozen currently in jail and many more in exile.
International reporters working in Myanmar must be discrete in
interviewing, covering their notebooks and doing whatever it takes
to avoid bringing attention to their subjects.
When reporters publish unfavorable articles about the Myanmar
government, they are guaranteed to never be granted another Visa to
the country again.
“Our government is very bad,” said Nung, a business
owner in northern Myanmar, driving home the same sentiment that
seems to be on the minds of many.
Nung’s eldest son will go to a university next year,
something he has been hoping for since his son was born. He said
getting an education will be his children’s best chance to
survive and hopes his son will one day take over his small
business.
Though he is not rich by Myanmar standards, he considers his
family incredibly lucky.
“(The government) only cares about their families and the
power. People are very poor, very poor. Little children with no
money for food, for school, no money for clothes,” he said,
tears beginning to form in his eyes.
In Myanmar some children still starve to death.
“People want to demonstrate, but they are afraid of the
guns and the bullets,” Nung said.
Aung, too, is skeptical about what may come for his country and
its people.
“I think democracy will come, but not for a long time,
maybe in 20 years. I will be old man then,” he said with a
sigh.